Vladimir Bukovsky - Wikipedia. Vladimir Konstantinovich Bukovsky. Native name. Szasz Award for Outstanding Contributions to the Cause of Civil Liberties. After the war he and his parents returned to Moscow where his father Konstantin (1. In order to meet the requirements to apply for a university place he completed his secondary education at evening classes.
There he and some friends decided to revive the informal Mayakovsky Square poetry readings which began after a statue to the poet was unveiled in central Moscow in 1. Later this text was given the title . Bukovsky portrayed the USSR as an . He was interrogated twice before being thrown out of the university in autumn 1. He was later convicted, in absentia, by reason on his .
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The official charge was the making and possession of photocopies of anti- Soviet literature, namely two copies of the banned work The New Class by Milovan Djilas. Three days earlier he was arrested, charged with distributing the appeal, and kept in various psikhushkas. He invoked Article 1. Soviet Constitution to defend the right to organize demonstrations and other public protests. He further suggested that the prosecution had repeatedly failed to observe the revised 1. Code of Criminal Procedure in its conduct of the case.
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Bukovsky was sent to Bor in the Voronezh Region to serve his sentence. He was released in January 1. This involved unlimited detention in a psikhushka, as such places were popularly known, which might be conventional psychiatric hospitals or psychiatric prison- hospitals set up (e. Healthy individuals were held among mentally ill and often dangerous patients; they were forced to take various psychotropic drugs; they might also be incarcerated in prison- type institutions under overall control of the KGB.
In a letter addressed to . These people are: Grigorenko, Rips, Gorbanevskaya, Novodvorskaya. However, only specialists in psychiatry can express authoritative opinions about the degree of legitimacy of these diagnoses. Taking advantage of the fact that I have managed to obtain exact copies of the diagnostic reports made by the forensic- psychiatric groups who examined Grigorenko, Fainberg, Gorbanevskaya, Borisov and Yakhimovich, and also extracts from the diagnosis on V. Kuznetsov, I am sending you these documents, and also various letters and other material which reveal the character of these people. I will be very grateful to you if you can study this material and express your opinion on it.
I realize that at a distance and without the essential clinical information it is very difficult to determine the mental condition of a person and either to diagnose an illness or assert the absence of any illness. Therefore I ask you to express your opinion on only this point: do the above- mentioned diagnoses contain enough scientifically- based evidence not only to indicate the mental illnesses described in the diagnoses, but also to indicate the necessity of isolating these people completely from society? I will be very happy if you can interest your colleagues in this matter and if you consider it possible to place it on the agenda for discussion at the next International Congress of Psychiatrists. For a healthy person there is no fate more terrible than indefinite internment in a mental hospital. I believe that you will not remain indifferent to this problem and will devote a portion of your time to it . Bukovsky's letter appeared on 1.
March in The Times (London) and later in the British Journal of Psychiatry. It also struck a chord among psychiatrists.
In September that year 4. European psychiatrists wrote to The Times (London) expressing grave doubts about the diagnoses of the six people concerned. As the person at the centre of this unprecedented international row, Bukovsky waited in almost total isolation, without access to a lawyer, to be tried and sent to the camps or a special psychiatric hospital.
On this occasion he again used his final words to the court to reach a much wider audience when the text circulated in samizdat. In December 1. 97. USSR and exchanged at Z. President Jimmy Carter met with Bukovsky at the White House. In the USSR the meeting was seen by dissidents and rights activists as a sign of the newly elected president's willingness to stress human rights in his foreign policy; the event provoked harsh criticism by Soviet leaders. He also wrote and published To Build a Castle: My Life as a Dissenter (1. Today the Russian original is available online via a number of websites.
These not only criticised the Soviet regime and, later, that of Vladimir Putin, but also exposed . In the late 1. 97. Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, Bukovsky campaigned successfully for an official UK and US boycott of the summer 1. Olympics in Moscow. It organised protests in the communist countries and in the West, and opposed western financial assistance to communist governments. The Foundation also created the National Council to Support Democratic Movements (National Council for Democracy) with the goal of aiding the emergence of democratic rule- of- law governments, and providing assistance with the writing of constitutions and the formation of civil institutions.
On 5 December 1. 99. Bukovsky's Soviet- era convictions were annulled by a decree of the RSFSR Supreme Court. The respondent's case was that the CPSU itself had been an unconstitutional organisation. The copies were then smuggled to the West.
The Soviet Communist Party was found to be an unconstitutional organisation, but former communists were allowed to play a leading part in the government of post- Soviet Russia and, as the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, to act as the country's main political opposition. Former CPSU, even Politburo, members such as Alexander Yakovlev (Russian politician) had a prominent place in the presidential commission for the post- October 1. It may not be called communism anymore, but it has retained many of its dangerous characteristics ..
Until a Nuremberg- style tribunal passes its judgment on all the crimes committed by communism, it is not dead and the war is not over. It took several years and a team of assistants to piece together the scanned fragments (many only half a page in width) of the hundreds of documents photocopied by Bukovsky and then, in 1. But such people often have much to contribute, and deserve considerable respect. He supported Yeltsin against the Supreme Soviet in the 1. Russian constitutional crisis in October that year but criticised the new Constitution of Russia approved two months later, as being designed to ensure a continuation of Yeltsin's power. However, no formal nomination process was initiated.
He wanted to discuss the strategy of the Russian opposition. It was imperative, Bukovsky told Nemtsov, that Russian liberals adopt an uncompromising stand toward what he saw as the authoritarian government of President Vladimir Putin. During their talk Bukovsky expressed disapproval of the way in which Slobodan Milosevic was brought before the Hague tribunal. Kara- Murza and others, Bukovsky was a co- founder of Committee 2. In an 1. 8 December 2. The Washington Post, Bukovsky recounted his experience under torture in Lefortovo prison in 1.
When torture is condoned, these rare talented people leave the service, having been outstripped by less gifted colleagues with their quick- fix methods, and the service itself degenerates into a playground for sadists. The European Union was a .
The Soviet Union used to be a state run by ideology. Today's ideology of the European Union is social- democratic, statist, and a big part of it is also political correctness. I watch very carefully how political correctness spreads and becomes an oppressive ideology, not to mention the fact that they forbid smoking almost everywhere now. There were certain parallels, Bukovsky warned in his interview, between the formation of the Soviet Union and the European Union. In 2. 00. 6 he described the perils of the USSR, with its model whereby nationalities and ethnic groups were dissolved to create a new . While Soviet ideology postulated that the State would eventually wither away, Bukovsky pointed out that the reality was quite different: the State had become paramount.
It was an opinion quickly reported to audiences around the world by the new State- funded English- language broadcaster Russia Today. We are still governed by a nomenklatura of collaborationists, Petains and Quislings of the Cold War. West has reached that conclusion merely by examining the first chapters of this sad story. Sure enough, there are mountains of other and more recent evidence to support her conclusions. But of course, whatever the evidence, the . Rather, they will try and usurp the judicial seat. In turn Bukovsky himself was taken to task by David Horowitz, whose Frontpage Magazine had carried the Radosh review.
It grieves me even more because he goes out of his way to defend her preposterous claims, e. Europe at Yalta was a Soviet plot when everyone knows the division was drawn by Winston Churchill, hardly a Soviet stooge. There are dozens, if not hundreds, of howlers like this in West's 4. Ten years earlier, Bukovsky sketched some of the numerous and insidious ways such Western complicity was secured.
Some distributed Soviet disinformation for idealistic reasons; others were paying off an old . The examples are endlessly varied.
This applied equally, Bukovsky cautioned, to post- Stalin generations of specialists on the USSR and Eastern Europe. They had been subjected to similar pressures and inducements in the 1. A specialist could not secure his place and reputation in the current academic world without that contact: anyone might accuse him of having lost touch and no longer retaining his expertise. The chance to travel to the USSR, however, was closely monitored in those years by the KGB.
Candidate for Russian Presidency (2. Kara- Murza, Alexander Podrabinek, Andrei Piontkovsky, Vladimir Pribylovsky and others.